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California Republican Rep. Devin Nunes said House Speaker Nancy Pelosi is the “mayor” of the U.S. Capitol and that “she should take responsibility” for the lack of National Guard troops at the Capitol complex ahead of the Jan. 6 riot.

“I know from that morning, I spoke to several Capitol Police officers on the morning of the 6th that they were very concerned. So at the end of the day, she’s the mayor of the Capitol. She should take responsibility,” Nunes said during an interview on Fox News. “She clearly doesn’t want to answer what happened and what her roles and responsibilities or her staff were on that day.”

During the course of the impeachment trial against former President Trump, the House impeachment managers said the Jan. 6 violence at the Capitol was “foreseeable.” 

Nunes and other Republican lawmakers including Illinois Republican Rep. Rodney Davis wrote Pelosi a letter on Monday with questions related to security measures taken in advance of the Jan. 6 riot.

“When then-Chief Sund made a request for National Guard support on January 4th, why was that request denied?” the lawmakers wrote.

Just the News has asked Pelosi’s office if the speaker was briefed on threats of violence ahead of the Jan. 6 rally but her office has not responded.

Nunes, ranking member of the House Intelligence Committee, said the 7-foot-tall fence surrounding the U.S. Capitol is no longer needed.

“They [National Guard troops] don’t need to be at the U.S. Capitol. The fact of the matter is the guard could have been called in. Fences should have been put up before January 6, we had the intelligence in order to do that. So the FBI knew. The FBI relayed it to the Capitol Police. But now moving forward, what I can tell you is I haven’t seen any credible information whatsoever that we would need all the fencing and all the guardsmen that are still there. They need to go home,” said Nunes, a member of the House Ways and Means Committee.

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State AGs ask Yellen to confirm that COVID relief bill does not usurp states’ rights to cut taxes

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More than a dozen state attorneys general have asked Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen to confirm that the coronavirus relief bill recently approved by the federal government does not attempt to infringe on states’ authority in the area of state taxes.

West Virginia Attorney General Patrick Morrisey, Arizona Attorney General Mark Brnovich and Georgia Attorney General Chris Carr led the group of 21 state attorneys general in the letter to Yellen — the other attorneys general involved were from the states of Alabama, Arkansas, Florida, Idaho, Indiana, Kansas, Kentucky, Louisiana, Mississippi, Missouri, Montana, Nebraska, Oklahoma, South Carolina, South Dakota, Texas, Utah and Wyoming.

“The import of the Act’s prohibition against ‘offsetting’ reductions in state tax revenue is unclear, but potentially breathtaking,” the letter states. “This provision might have been intended merely to prohibit States from expressly t aking COVID-19 relief funds and rolling them directly into a tax cut of a similar amount. But its prohibition on ‘indirectly’ offsetting reductions in tax revenue, combined with the list of prohibited kinds of tax reductions (rate cuts, rebates, deductions, credits, or “otherwise”), could also be read to prohibit tax cuts or relief of any stripe, even if wholly unrelated to and independent of the availability of relief funds. After all, money is fungible, and States must balance their budgets. So, in a sense, any tax relief enacted by a state legislature after the State has received relief funds could be viewed as ‘using’ those funds as an ‘offset’ that allows the State to provide that tax relief.”

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VIDEO: Can Congress come together to solve the crisis at the border?

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Arkansas Gov. Mike Huckabee discusses the problems at the southern border

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Democrats float rule change to stymie Marjorie Taylor Greene

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Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene’s procedural delay tactic, which has increasingly become a regular part of House of Representatives business, could be blocked if some Democrats get their way.

The firebrand Georgia freshman congresswoman on Wednesday made her fourth motion to adjourn in three weeks as a delay tactic before the House passed the $1.9 trillion “American Rescue Plan.” The unannounced roll call votes forced members of Congress to stop other business.

During the coronavirus pandemic, the motion does much more to delay floor business because each roll call vote is allotted an extended time of 45 minutes to encourage social distancing.

Though the motions have failed each time, the disruptive move so frustrates members that Rhode Island Rep. David Cicilline, chairman of the Democratic Policy and Communications Committee, said he plans to propose a House rule change that will allow only members who are on House committees to call a motion to adjourn.

Cicilline hasn’t proposed the rule change, and it is unclear whether Democratic leadership will support it. California Rep. Pete Aguilar, vice chairman of the House Democratic Caucus, told the Washington Examiner on Thursday that he first heard about Cicilline’s proposal in the press and that the caucus hasn’t discussed it.

Other House Democrats who spoke to the Washington Examiner were open to the idea, though. Another solution might be to limit the number of times in a congressional session that a single member could make a motion to adjourn.

Catholic University professor and politics department Chairman Matthew Green — that’s Green without the silent “e” like the Georgia congresswoman, with whom he has no known relation — warned that a quick rule change might be bad for Democrats.

“It’s Pelosi and the Democrats’ interest, frankly, to let this play itself out,” Green said. “Being so quick to change the rules actually indicates that the leaders of both parties have less power than you think over their own members.”

On Greene’s first motion to adjourn, all Republicans voted with her. The second time, two voted against the move; the third time, 18 Republicans voted against

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 it.

The fourth time she tried the move, 40 House Republicans voted against Greene’s motion. She then sent out a press release with the names of all 40 Republicans, calling them members of the “Surrender Caucus.”

“It’s increasingly without strategy,” Republican Michigan Rep. Peter Meijer, who voted against the motion Wednesday, told the Washington Examiner.

While it is easier for Democrats to push back, the rule change proposal might not be as easy of a solution as it seems.

“If Republicans are defecting on these votes in greater numbers, it’s to everyone’s interest to let this process continue to the point that they lose by an embarrassing bipartisan margin,” Green, the professor, said.

In years past, Democrats were the ones who excessively used the motion to adjourn as a delay tactic, particularly when Newt Gingrich, a Georgia Republican, was speaker, Green noted.

“When they were in the minority, they got pretty upset and frustrated with Gingrich and Republicans, and they started using these motions. But sometimes they would lose so badly,” Green said, “they just sort of stopped.”

Usually, the number of motions to adjourn is fewer than 10 per Congress, but peaks during “periods when the minority party was especially unhappy with the majority, usually when the governing party wasn’t following ‘regular order’ or was using a particularly unfair floor rule or procedure,” according to Green’s research.

“Members of the minority would offer multiple motions in a day to really slow things down,” Green said.

The Georgia congresswoman, for her part, referred to Cicilline as “Mussolini” when asked about his proposal, adding that she plans to continue making motions to adjourn. That prompted outrage from Cicilline, who noted that he is Italian and Jewish.

Greene can “get lost,” he said.

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